By: Laura Carlsen
Director, Mexico City-based Americas Program of the Center for International Policy; columnist,
As the immigration reform debate heats up, an important argument has been surprisingly missing. By granting legal status to immigrants and ordering future flows, the government could save billions of dollars. A shift to focus border security on real crime, both local and cross-border, would increase public safety and render a huge dividend to cash-strapped public coffers.
This kind of common-sense immigration reform has the multibillion-dollar private prison industry shaking in its boots. Its lobbyists are actively targeting members of congressional budget and appropriations committees to not only maintain, but increase incarceration of migrants — with or without comprehensive immigration reform.
While a broad public consensus has formed around the need to legally integrate migrants into the communities where they live and work, private prison companies Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and The GEO Group, thrive off laws that criminalize migrants, including mandatory detention and the definition of immigration violations as felonies. They are using their money and clout to assure that even if immigration reform goes through, the practice of locking people up for immigration infractions will continue.
Their No. 1 goal: to assure that Operation Streamline — their goose of the golden eggs — survives, with more money than ever.
Operation Streamline began in 2005, and it imprisons men, women and children for immigration violations, sometimes up to 10 months or more, and it channels more than $1 billion a year in federal funds to private-run detention centers.
It would seem contradictory for a program that rounds up undocumented migrants to be funded alongside comprehensive immigration reform. Yet both President Obama’s plan and the plan put forward by the Gang of 8 senators call to increase Border Patrol enforcement programs.
Enlace, coordinator of the National Private Prison Detention Campaign, has compiled data on private prison industry money to pressure Congress for more enforcement business in any comprehensive immigration reform bill.
The Private Prison Lobby
First, a brief guide to the private prison lobby. Numbers are from their 2012 quarterly lobby disclosure reports filed with the Secretary of the Senate and Clerk of the House. The Center for Responsive Politics has a useful site where much of this information is posted.
Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, lobbyist for CCA, received $220,000 for its services for CCA in 2012.
Mehlman Vogel Castagnetti Inc., received $280,000 to lobby for CCA in 2012. McBee Strategic Consulting received $320,000 in 2012 from CCA. CCA in-house lobby registered $970,000 in lobbying for 2012.
Navigators Global lobbies for GEO. GEO paid Navigators Global $120,000 for lobbying in 2012. Lionel (Leo) Aguirre was also paid $120,000 for lobbying for GEO.
Among the gang of eight senators, all but Lindsay Graham and John McCain have received significant money from the private prison corporations. The transparency watchdog, Open Secrets, compiled the figures by adding contributions from members, employees, PACs or immediate family members of the organization.
* Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.): Chair of the Rules Committee, Member of Judiciary and Chair of Subcommittee on Immigration and Border Enforcement. In 2012, Schumer received at least $64,000 from lobbyists Akin Gump et al, and $2,500 from Mehlman Vogel. He also received $34,500 from FMR (Fidelity), which owns 5.09 percent of CCA and 8.67 percent of GEO.
* Marco Rubio (R-Fla.): Member of the Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, and Foreign Relations, received $29,300 from the GEO Group. Wells Fargo (also heavily invested in private prisons) gave Rubio $16,150.
* Bob Menendez (D-N.J): Finance Committee, new chair of Foreign Relations, received more than $39,000 in documented money from private prison lobbyists, with $34,916 coming from Akin Gump, $6,300 from Mehlman Vogel Castagnetti Inc. and $1,000 from McBee Strategic Consulting.
* Michael Bennet (D-Colo.): Finance Committee, received at least $30,794 from
The prison lobby also targeted several key House members Patty Murray (D-Wash.), chair of the Budget committee and member of Appropriations, received $21,600 from Akin Gump; $74,700 from McBee Strategic Consulting.
Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.), who is on the House Budget and Judiciary committees, received money from: Akin, Gump et al ($19,600); and contributions from Mehlman Vogel associates totaling $2,500.
What these lobbyists want for their money is an immigration reform bill that tightens, rather than loosens the criminal net for undocumented workers and their families.
The inhumane and illogical step of pre-deportation detention was invented by the private prison industry. Last year, the Obama administration spent more money on immigration enforcement, including detention, than all other federal law enforcement agencies combined — a staggering $18 billion. The detention centers receive $166 per person, per day in government funds — an amount that would be a godsend to a homeless family or unemployed worker.
Peter Cervantes-Gautschi, director of Enlace, notes, “The private prison industry is swamping the Senate Budget and Appropriations Committees to try to buy them to keep Operation Streamline so they can incarcerate more immigrants in private prisons despite immigration reform.” There is nothing surprising about that, he adds, “That’s their business.”
The national movement made up of local organizations against private detention centers has a simple demand — stop funding private immigrant detention centers. They have blocked construction of new prisons and pressured investment funds and individuals to divest from private prison stock. They have also turned their sights on the politicians that feed federal money into the system.
Maria Rodriguez of the Florida Immigrant Coalition, a member of the divestment campaign, explains that her group is meeting with Florida Congressional representatives to counteract the influence of the private prison lobby.
“In the broadest sense, what we’re trying to do is to show the financial impact on policies and the conversation in the context of immigration reform,” she says.
Are members of Congress being bought off? Rodriguez replies, “I think that when people are being heavily lobbied and when there’s financial interests involved and when our representatives are benefiting from those financial interests directly through lobbying, it compromises their ability to do what’s right for taxpayers and immigrant families.”
There is a lot at stake for the private prison companies. CCA and GEO reported combined revenues of $3 billion dollars in 2011, with nearly half — $1.3 billion — coming directly from federal government, according to 2011 annual reports. They will fight hard for continued incarceration under immigration reform — whether it makes sense policy-wise or not.
The human rights issues involved in locking up migrants for profit, separating families and detaining individuals in poor and humiliating conditions rarely even make it into the debate. Instead, politicians are tempted to curry support among the prison industry and conservatives, with more talk of “enforcement” as the trading chip for citizenship and less talk of human rights.
Meanwhile, citizen groups are hoping that greater transparency and public awareness of the role of private prison corporations will lead to a more lasting and rights-based comprehensive immigration reform, one where for-profit immigrant detention centers become a relic of a crueler past.
Follow Laura Carlsen on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/cipamericas
After Ancelma’s husband was deported to Mexico, she found herself unable to close a bank account with Wells Fargo that was accruing overdraft fees. Though it has marketed itself as a bank of choice for the Latino community—accepting matricula cards that give undocumented immigrants access to banking services and even establishing “Wells Fargo Amigos” outreach teams—the bank refused to accept her husband’s authorization to close the account because it was written in Spanish.
The family soon learned this wasn’t the only way in which Wells Fargo is less “immigrant-friendly” than it first appears: The financial institution also invests heavily in the private prison industry that lobbies for and profits from harsher immigration enforcement and detention.
Ancelma’s story is one of several detailed in a series of reports urging Wells Fargo to break ties with private prison operators. In September, National People’s Action and the National Prison Divestment Campaign exposed that the bank was heavily invested in two major such companies with nearly $100 million of holdings in Geo Group and nearly $3 million in the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). The groups launched a public pressure campaign, branding the bank “Jails Fargo” and holding demonstrations outside its branches. In late October, they declared victory when Wells Fargo’s most recent SEC filings revealed that it had divested more than a third of its holdings in GEO Group.
Prison divestment organizers are encouraged by this move, but say it doesn’t yet go far enough. During a national day of action yesterday, activists in nine cities staged demonstrations to call for full divestment from the private prison industry. “Wells Fargo still provides a $700 million line of credit without which CCA could not build new prisons,” explains Peter Cervantes-Gautschi, executive director of Enlace, a national alliance of low-wage worker centers that coordinates the National Prison Divestment Campaign. “And beyond this, we’re asking all institutions, public and private, to cut ties with this industry—much as people of conscience divested from apartheid South Africa in the 1980s.”
The National Prison Divestment Campaign, launched in spring 2011, brings together labor and faith organizations with immigrant rights groups alarmed by the explosion of private detention centers. In 2005, private prison operators gained a major foothold in the field of immigrant detention with the start of Operation Streamline, a policy mandating criminal, as opposed to civil, prosecution of undocumented immigrants crossing the border. As the result of this shift, and the redefinition of acts like “illegal border crossing” as immigration felonies, Latinos now constitute the majority of those sentenced for federal crimes. Nearly half of immigrants convicted of such crimes are held in private facilities.
The private prison industry has been involved in lobbying heavily for both new immigrant detention centers and tougher enforcement policies that will help fill them. In 2010, In These Times reporter Beau Hodai uncovered CCA’s pivotal role in shaping SB 1070, Arizona’s anti-immigrant law. Thirty out of the 36 state legislators who co-sponsored the bill received campaign contributions from private prison companies. Though the Supreme Court struck down three out of the bill’s four provisions earlier this year, the “show me your papers” law that invites racial profiling by law enforcement remained intact, and has since taken effect in Arizona.
SB 1070 is far from the only instance where private prison companies have prevailed in securing such lucrative arrangements. During the past decade, the AP reported in August, the three major private prison companies have spent $45 million in lobbying and campaign contributions. This was money well-spent: Whereas ten years ago, private prison operators held two federal contracts worth about $760 million, the Federal Bureau of Prisons today pays these companies $5.1 billion through 13 different contracts.
The result is more than 23,000 immigrants detained for federal crimes, up from just over 3,000 a decade ago. Cervantes-Gautschi asserts that this drastic increase is clearly the result of profit-motivated policy shifts: “More than half of immigrants in the federal prison system are being held for things not even considered crimes six years ago,” he says.
Demonstrations held across the country yesterday targeted Wells Fargo, GEO headquarters, and the hedge fund Scopia, which according to Enlace holds over 9 million shares in GEO group. As New York demonstrators assembled outside Scopia’s offices, protesters carried life-sized black silhouettes labeled “missing” to symbolize the destruction of communities wrought by rising levels of detention.
“Each silhouette represents a missing member of our community,” explains Andalusia Soloff of the group Families for Freedom. “A person who, no matter the legal status, residency, or citizenship of the person has been removed and sent away, leaving their families and loved ones behind.”
Rebecca Burns, In These Times Assistant Editor, holds an M.A. from the University of Notre Dame’s Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, where her research focused on global land and housing rights. A former editorial intern at the magazine, Burns also works as a research assistant for a project examining violence against humanitarian aid workers.
The Associated Press
MIAMI (AP) – The U.S. is locking up more illegal immigrants than ever, generating lucrative profits for the nation’s largest prison companies, and an Associated Press review shows the businesses have spent tens of millions of dollars lobbying lawmakers and contributing to campaigns.
The cost to American taxpayers is on track to top $2 billion for this year, and the companies are expecting their biggest cut of that yet in the next few years thanks to government plans for new facilities to house the 400,000 immigrants detained annually.
After a decade of expansion, the sprawling, private system runs detention centers everywhere from a Denver suburb to an industrial area flanking Newark’s airport, and is largely controlled by just three companies. Continue reading
Article from the CCA Go Away! Campaign
ICE cancels tentative agreement to build a for-profit immigrant lock-up in South Florida.
David vs. Goliath battle results in victory for immigrant rights, residents and environmentalists
After a long and heated fight in South Florida, ICE announced yesterday that their plan to bring one of the largest for-profit immigration detention centers in the country, through an agreement with the Town of Southwest Ranches and private prison giant, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), is dead. Immigrant advocates and immigrant families are claiming this as a victory against the mass incarceration of immigrants driven by profit, thus saving taxpayers millions of dollars.
Below is a statement from Maria Rodriguez, Executive Director for the Florida Immigrant Coalition, the organization who spearheaded the grassroots campaign “CCA Go Away” together with Broward residents.
“After one year of hearing our elected officials say this was a ‘done deal’, including Cong. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, we always believed that anything was possible as long as we could get people together to unite their voices in opposition and to build power in their communities. All of us can and should stand up to powerful interests, including corporations and elected officials, who are not watching or representing the interests of those affected. There is no such thing as a ‘done deal’ when people unite and do everything they can to hold their leaders accountable.
This proposed immigration detention center was always wrong and unnecessary from any point of view. South Florida didn’t want more immigrant families being torn apart because of increased detentions and deportations; Broward residents didn’t want a massive prison near their homes; taxpayers couldn’t continue feeding the business of immigrant detention making companies like CCA increase its profits; and the Everglades couldn’t take more irresponsible urban development that threatened its stability.
We have witnessed the influence that for-profit prison companies have on our policies and legislators and we want them out of Florida all together. For-profit prison corporations are lobbying and promoting laws that deepen the crisis of mass incarceration of people of color in this country. To make it worse, private prison companies like CCA and the GEO Group have a long track record of cutting corners with the safety of detainees so they can make more money. The devastating results include wrongful deaths, riots, and sexual assaults; many of which get covered up. CCA is not a good neighbor.
The national expansion of detention for profit has met nationwide resistance and decisive victories for those who oppose it. Since 2011, the National Prison Divestment Campaign has been instrumental to get the United Methodist Church and Pershing Square to divest their shares in CCA and Geo Group and more institutions are sure to follow suit. This year, the largest prison privatization effort in the country failed in the Florida legislature. In April, Valdosta County, GA, shelved a CCA project. Just this week,Crete, IL, voted down another CCA immigration prison in this Chicago suburb. Today, South Floridians celebrate this as a victory of diverse sectors that came together to protect our community. The coalition that came together stood up to the worst of the 1% and won.
Costly immigrant detention that profits private corporations like CCA and the Geo Group on the backs of taxpayers is immoral, expensive, and unnecessary. ICE itself has hailed cheaper alternatives to detention to be just as effective and saves millions in taxpayer money. In the absence of comprehensive immigration reform, ICE must stop its expansion of costly detention and the brutal separation of families.
This decision came on the same day as President Obama announced administrative relief for young immigrants, who were often unnecessarily incarcerated in private prisons such as the one CCA planned to build in South Florida.
Immigrants, and especially Latinos, finally feel that our voices are being heard. We have made it clear that we will not accept any profiteering from our pain and the separation of our families.“
(AP) – 1 hour ago
CRETE, Ill. (AP) — A Chicago suburb has rejected a plan to build to build a federal immigrant detention center in the community, putting a stop to a project that generated months of protests by residents and immigrant rights activists.
Village trustees in Crete, 35 miles south of Chicago, voted unanimously Monday night to block the project, said Crete President Michael Einhorn, who had hoped the center would bring hundreds of jobs to the community of about 8,000 people.
The move followed a failed attempt last month by Illinois lawmakers to block the detention center.
Federal immigration officials had promoted the proposed facility as a new, more humane place to hold low-risk illegal immigrants slated for deportation. But residents worried that the center would depress their property values and pose a security threat.
“There hasn’t been community support for a while,” village trustee Daniel Bachert told the Chicago Tribune.
Activists even penned legislation that would have prohibited any privately-run detention centers in Illinois. It sailed through the Illinois Senate but failed in the House.
Still, it appears that objections to the site were widespread.
“Crete is a wonderful small town with antique shops, small businesses and Balmoral racetrack,” said U.S. Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., in a statement. “A prison would have changed that image forever.”
Officials with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement picked Crete as a potential site for the facility last year, Einhorn said. The plan was to hire a private company called Corrections Corporation of America to build and operate a medium-security facility to house more than 700 immigrants awaiting deportation.
“Up into the very end, I think everybody including myself was on the fence about this one,” Einhorn told the Tribune.
ICE spokesman Shawn Neudauer said in a statement that the agency selected Crete after talking to local governments throughout the Chicago area, and it was seeking a place to hold detainees closer to their place of apprehension and immigration proceedings. With Crete officially not interested, the agency will start looking at proposals from other local governments, he said.
The idea of a private company running a detention facility was one of the things that generated criticism from groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, which says such companies try to maintain high levels of incarceration to increase profits.
In one memorable protest, activists marched for 35 miles from Chicago to the site in Crete. Protesters also flooded village council meetings.
The Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, which organized many of the rallies, applauded the village for listening to the protesters.
“These voices have spoken loudly and clearly that we do not want a new immigration detention center in Crete, that breaking up immigrant families is wrong, and that companies like CCA that profit from detaining people are not welcome in our communities,” the group said.
MEDIA ADVISORY: Thursday, May 31st at 11:00 a.m.
Contact: Natalia Jaramillo, firstname.lastname@example.org, (786) 317-3524, @FLImmigrant
Debbie, who do you represent: Floridians or for-profit prisons?
Latinos, residents and advocates deliver 12,000 petitions to Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz in Miami asking her to stop the building of a CCA immigration detention center in South Florida
What: Rally, delivery of petition signatures and march
Where: Office of Rep. Debbie WassermanSchultz – Aventura
19200 West Country Club Drive
Aventura, FL 33180
When: Thursday, May 31st at 11”00 a.m
Who: Family members of Floridians currently in private detention centers, Latinos, residents, immigration and civil rights advocates
Visuals: Signs, youth, march towards Biscayne Boulevard
Miami, FL – On Thursday, a wide and diverse group of concerned South Floridians, and community advocates will visit Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz office in Miami to ask her publicly to oppose the building of a for-profit immigrant detention center in her district. During the demonstration, a delegation will visit her office to deliver over 12,000 signatures from a national petition called “Debbie: say no to CCA”.
For more information on the event, visit: CCA Go Away
Since 2011, residents of Southwest Broward, immigrant communities and diverse advocates have been working to stop the building of this massive immigration prison in the town of Southwest Ranches by for-profit prison giant, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). These efforts include several requests to Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz to withdraw a letter of support she sent to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Director, Gary Mead, in April 2011, and to intervene with ICE to stop the project. Despite overwhelming and broad opposition, she has refused to withdraw her support to the proposed prison.
“For close to a year, we’ve been nicely yet persistently saying that Latino and immigrant families in her district and all over South Florida will be hurt by this prison.” says Maria Rodriguez, Executive Director for the Florida Immigrant Coalition. “Our fears and tears will no longer go unheard and ignored! The Congresswoman should represent the interests of all Florida families, not for-profit prisons.”
Organizations present at the event: Florida Immigrant Coalition (FLIC), Students Working for Equal Rights (SWER), ACLU
For Immediate Release:
April 24, 2012,
On Tuesday, former Senator Dennis DeConcini will testify against SB1070 before the US Senate. But DeConcini is on the Board of Directors for Corrections Corporation of America, the nation’s largest private prison corporation, which manages immigrant detention centers across the US, including several here in Arizona.
CCA and other private prison corporations stand to profit handsomely if SB1070 is allowed to become law. And DeConcini would share in that prosperity—his shares in CCA are currently worth $267,000.
Join Tucson’s Fuerza! Coalition this Tuesday, April 24th at a press conference and vigil outside DeConcini’s law firm in Tucson to call attention to the connections between anti-immigrant legislation and prison industry profiteering.
Tell DeConcini he can’t wag his finger at SB1070 while his other hand holds hundreds of thousands of dollars from the criminalization of immigrants. It’s time for him to choose a side: Community or Corporation?
ICE and Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) plan to build a massive immigration detention center in the Town of Southwest Ranches, just 30 minutes from Miami, FL. With 1,500 beds, this prison will be one of the largest in the country.
Since it hit the news last summer, immigrant rights’ advocates, residents and even environmentalists in South Florida, have voiced a strong and growing opposition against this new facility. The community has called on U.S. Senator Bill Nelson (D-FL) and Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-20) to withdraw their current endorsements for CCA’s project. The controversy has grown to the point that the neighboring City of Pembroke Pines cut off the water that CCA needs for this development.
The will of the people has fallen on deaf ears. ICE, CCA and the Town of Southwest Ranches keep moving forward with the project.
by Mari Herreras @TucsonAZMari
When Alma Hernandez and a friend were detained after a routine traffic stop in June 2010 because they were undocumented, they were sent to a Corrections Corporation of America facility in Eloy, and then transferred to a CCA prison in El Paso, Texas. Then they were transferred yet again, to a CCA facility in Louisiana.
It was seven weeks before Hernandez’s family was able to pay the bond. Stuck in Louisiana after their release, the two women were forced to ask friends and family to help again with $400 for the 28-hour Greyhound bus ride back to their children and families in Tucson.
After her experience with private prisons, Hernandez said she wanted to learn more about the company. That’s when she and others in the immigrant-rights group Corazón de Tucson discovered that former Democratic U.S. Sen. Dennis DeConcini is on the CCA board of directors.
Other groups, including Derechos Humanos and No More Deaths, met with DeConcini and a CCA representative on Jan. 31 and demanded that he resign from the company’s board.
“I got involved with this because of this personal experience,” Hernandez said. “My parents brought us here when we were very young. My children are U.S. citizens, and I want them to have a bright future without this oppression hanging over our community.”
Hernandez said that during the meeting with DeConcini, she told him about abuses she witnessed and experienced, including a lack of food, which forced prisoners to buy from the prison commissary; issues with medical care; and problems with guards and staff. According to Hernandez, DeConcini wanted more documentation. “He said he couldn’t speak for the workers because he doesn’t have contact with the workers,” Hernandez said.
Raúl Alcaraz Ochoa, also with Corazón de Tucson, said that although the ultimate goal is to get DeConcini to resign from CCA, they also want to educate the community on private prisons and how they have been used to detain immigrants. The group also is involved in a national campaign to pressure Wells Fargo Bank to divest from GEO Group, another private-prison company with facilities in Arizona.
“Basically, we met with (DeConcini) to tell him about our campaign,” Ochoa said. “We asked him to resign from the board. … We know he is directly profiting from being on the board of CCA. He’s directly making money off the backs of people in the (immigrant) community and the devastation of families in this community.”
Ochoa said that after meeting with DeConcini, the coalition sent letters to attorneys at his Tucson law firm in early February, explaining the campaign and saying that some protest actions might take place outside the firm’s building.
In March, DeConcini responded with a letter defending his involvement with CCA. He wrote that the letter sent to law-firm employees was “based on inaccurate information” about CCA. The coalition’s letter included information about a lauded NPR report that linked proponents of SB 1070 and the private-prison industry—which stood to profit from an increase in the detainment of undocumented migrants.
In his letter, DeConcini included a copy of an NPR clarification on its October 2010 report, issued Feb. 22, 2012. DeConcini wrote that the clarification explains that “CCA did not participate in the drafting of the SB 1070 legislation. In view of the truth and facts as they actually exist, I am also writing to ask you to end your threats towards me personally and my law firm, because of my service on (CCA’s) board.”
The NPR clarification states that the report “didn’t mean to suggest that CCA wrote the language of SB 1070.”
DeConcini also included with his letter a short editorial he wrote calling for SB 1070 to be repealed that was published in The Arizona Republic.
When DeConcini talked to the Tucson Weekly, he said the meeting with representatives of Corazón de Tucson and the other groups included a representative from CCA. “A couple (of people) were quite civil and genuine,” while others, DeConcini said, had their minds made up about CCA.
DeConcini said he made it clear that CCA is prohibited from making donations to political campaigns—although a campaign-finance report shows dozens of contributions from lobbyists who work for CCA and other private-prison companies to former State Sen. Russell Pearce, the main architect of SB 1070.
“The reality of it is that (CCA lobbyists) very well may give money, and I’m sure they do. I used to be a lobbyist. But CCA has a clause that prohibits the company from giving donations to politicians,” DeConcini said.
As an example, he mentioned CCA lobbyist Jaime Molera. “He did give money to candidates, but not at our direction.
“I’ve been involved in prison reform a long time, and as I explained to the coalition group … government has failed to provide humane and constitutional standards for prisoners,” DeConcini said, adding that private prisons are needed to help states with strapped resources, similar to how the federal government uses contractors in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Last month, the Tucson office of the American Friends Service Committee issued a report on financial and security issues surrounding private prisons in Arizona (See “No Disclosure,” Feb. 23), including CCA. The report also mentions the fact that private prisons do not have to operate transparently and comply with public-records requests.
DeConcini said he hasn’t read the report, but he knew that CCA reps reviewed it. “I’ve been told we have much information that disputes (the report)—not that atrocities have not occurred. When they do, (people) are held responsible.”
Regarding transparency issues, DeConcini said: “I’m concerned only that CCA, as any corporation, complies with all of the laws that are required. I’m satisfied from my review that they do. … We are not a public entity.”
Ochoa said some UA-student groups are organizing a campaign to call for DeConcini’s CCA resignation because of his position on the Arizona Board of Regents. The Corazón members heard that DeConcini recruited another regent, Anne Mariucci, to join the CCA board. Ochoa said she should expect to be targeted in the campaign, too.
DeConcini confirmed that he suggested Mariucci to the board of directors of CCA, along with two other possible candidates.
Rachel Winch, a member The Restoration Project at Casa Mariposa, another group asking DeConcini to resign from the board, said that despite his reluctance, it’s the right thing to do.
“I believe it is immoral that people are profiteering off this,” she said.
David Mendez contributed to this story.
Or so they thought.
Minutes later, the dining hall erupted in all-out war with fists, kicks and food trays flying. Within 15 minutes, the entire facility was thrust into chaos as 600 inmates, mostly African-Americans and Hispanics associated with the Surenos prison gang, bloodied each other. Suddenly, one of the largest prison riots in California’s recent history was going down in a corrections facility a thousand miles outside the state. Continue reading
The Interlocal Agreement Between Pembroke Pines and Southwest Ranches is Cancelled!
Thursday, March 9, 2012 – After four months, a previously deferred motion to terminate the Fire/EMS/Water Inter-Local Agreement with Southwest Ranches was reintroduced and the result was the contract was terminated for convenience. For the past six months, this contract has come under “fire” from the prison opposition movement due to the incorporation of two clauses, which supported the proposed ICE immigrant prison through a provision guaranteeing water capacity within the City and that a water/sewer agreement would be expeditiously approved. Continue reading
Private Prison Corporation Must Reveal Reports on Sexual Assault in its Facilities
By Mae White
Goal: To demand Corrections Corporation of America, the largest for-profit prison company in the country, release information regarding sexual abuse in its facilities to its shareholders.
Corrections is unfortunately a highly profitable industry in the United States. In 2010, the two largest prison companies generated over $4 billion in profit, and their CEOs each earned at least $3 million. Despite their affluence, however, American prison companies seem incapable of preventing sexual assault in their facilities. The largest for-profit prison company in the US, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), has recently come under pressure to reveal information about its efforts to reduce incidents of sexual assault.
Southwest Ranches (SWR) is under talks with Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and the Department of Homeland Security/ Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to build a 1,500 bed immigration detention center in SWR.
Join us in protesting against ICE and this potential detention center
Date: Thursday, March 8, 2012
Location: Border Patrol 15720 Pines Blvd., Pembroke Pines, FL 33027 Continue reading